The victory of the Cuban Revolution is one of the biggest events in the world revolutionary process of the modern era. The construction of a new society in the first socialist country in the Western hemisphere is at the center of a sharp ideological struggle. In this regard, critical analysis of bourgeois historiography on the main problems of socialist construction in Cuba, as well as its international policy, is of particular importance. The Second Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba emphasized the need to develop these problems, calling for a decisive struggle "against all explicit and hidden bourgeois and imperialist concepts "aimed at" concealing the objective need for socialist transformations on our continent " .1
The historiography of socialist Cuba began to take shape immediately after the victory of the revolution in 1959. An in-depth analysis of the history of radical socio-economic transformations, the transition from the democratic stage of the revolution to the socialist one, and the struggle of the Cuban people for the creation of the material and technical base of socialism is given in the decisions of the First and Second Congresses of the Communist Party of Cuba, in the works of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba, Chairman of the Council of State and the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Cuba F. Castro and his associates. The works of Cuban historians and economists, as well as foreign Marxist scholars, show the success of the Cuban people in building socialism. A number of studies are available in Soviet historiography2 . At the same time, there are still no monographic works that critically analyze the vast bourgeois historiography on the problems of the history of socialist Cuba.

In the 26 years that have passed since the victory of the Cuban Revolution, bourgeois historiography, starting with open hostility and slander against revolutionary Cuba, has moved to combine a fierce ideological offensive against socialist Cuba with a forced recognition of its historical success in implementing profound transformations that radically changed the face of the former Soviet Union.-

1 II Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, Moscow, 1981, p. 301.

2 Grigulevich I. R. Kul'turnaya revolyutsiya na Kube [Cultural Revolution in Cuba], Moscow, 1965; Bekarevich A.D. Cuba: Foreign Economic Relations, Moscow, 1970; Darusenkov O. T., Gorbachev B. V., Tkachenko V. G. Cuba-the Island of Creation, Moscow, 1975; Darusenkov O. T. Cuba builds Socialism, Moscow, 1976; Petushkov I. G., Sheinin E. Ya. Cuba in the system of international socialist division of Labor. M. 1976; Great October and the Cuban Revolution. M. 1977; Essays on the history of Cuba. M. 1978; Cuba: experience of social development. M. 1979; Soviet-Cuban relations. 1917-1977. Moscow, 1980; XX let Kubinskaya revolyutsii. Moscow, 1980; Kuba: stroitelstvo sotsializma. Moscow, 1983; Vladimirov V. Kh.Kuba: po puti stroitelstva sotsializma. - New and Modern History, 1984, N 1; Leonov N. S. USSR-Cuba: an example of fraternal cooperation. - Mezhdunarodnaya zhizn, 1984, N 10.

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loy of the country. However, the main task of bourgeois historiography is to weaken the impact of the success of socialist Cuba on the peoples of Latin America, Asia, Africa, and the capitalist world as a whole, to prove the "ineffectiveness" of socialism in the development of the productive forces, and to discredit the socialist relations of production. Attempts to present socialism in Cuba in a distorted light, to belittle the significance of the social and economic achievements of the Cuban people are part of the global ideological offensive of imperialism against real socialism, the growing role of the world socialist system in the international arena and its growing influence on the liberation struggle of peoples around the world.

While right-wing bourgeois authors wage an ideological struggle against revolutionary Cuba from the standpoint of an undisguised defense of capitalism, the concepts of ultra-left historiography are disguised by pseudo-revolutionary phraseology. Its representatives, while speaking in words "in the name of the revolution", in reality, however, ultimately merge with bourgeois historiography on the basis of anti-communism and anti-Sovietism.

An influential ideological trend, formed on the basis of the evolution of left-wing historiography, is the progressive democratic social thought of Latin America. In the 60s and 70s, radical leftists came out with theses about the "inapplicability" of Marxism - Leninism in Latin America, about the need to "Latin Americanize" the theory of scientific socialism, did not accept real socialism, and were generally skeptical of socialist construction in Cuba. However, in the late 70s and early 80s, under the growing influence of the ideas of Marxism-Leninism and the success of the Cuban people, many of them began to overcome the extremes and one-sidedness of the left-wing radical concept, to approach the Marxist-Leninist interpretation of reality. We are talking, in particular, about the evolution of the worldview of prominent Mexican scientists-A. Aguilar, F. Carmona, R. Perdomo, P. Gonzalez Casanova, S. Bagu and others, grouped around the journal "Estrategia". These new trends were particularly pronounced in the assessments of Cuba's socialist construction and foreign policy. The works of other progressive authors studying the history of socialist Cuba are also becoming increasingly important.

Bourgeois historiography, for all its hostility to socialism, is forced to recognize the undeniable successes achieved by the Cuban people in the development of their economy and culture. For bourgeois-liberal historians of the developed capitalist countries, the significance of the Cuban Revolution lies primarily in the serious progress of the economy, the growth of production, the absence of crises, and the improvement of the material standard of living of the people. Latin American bourgeois authors emphasize that Cuba has solved many of the most pressing problems facing Latin America: overcoming backwardness and underdevelopment, economic growth in the interests of the broad masses of the population, radical solutions to social problems, and the development of culture and education.

C. Mesa-Lago, Director of the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Pittsburgh, notes that the goals set by the Cuban people inspire optimism .3 The rector of the University of Paris in Nanterre, head of the research department of the National Fund for Political Sciences of France, R. Remon writes that Cuban-

3 Mesa-Lago C. Dialectica de la revolution cubana: del idealismo carismatico al pragmatismo institucionalista. Madrid. 1979, pp. 69 - 103.

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The democratic revolution is a "call and example for Latin America" 4 . Director of the International Center for European Affairs at the University of Quebec in Montreal, J. Levesque writes about the "consolidation of the Cuban economy" and the significant progress made in many areas .5 Professor of Economics at the University of Massachusetts A. McEwan notes the great success of the Cuban people in the field of economics, in organizing effective management of society, in creating new forms of social organization, and highly appreciates their struggle against the rule of imperialism. He acknowledges that "the Cuban Revolution paved the way for economic progress, destroyed the old political, economic and social structures that kept the country in a state of underdevelopment." 6 X. I. Dominguez, an expert at the Center for the Study of International Relations at Harvard University, writes that in the 70s, "prosperity in the material sphere was finally available to many ordinary Cubans."7 A. R. M. Ritter, a specialist in the economy of socialist Cuba (Canada), sees one of the main achievements of the Cuban Revolution in a balanced combination of economic growth and distribution .8 Argentine historian A. H. Pla emphasizes that with the victory of the Cuban Revolution, Latin American countries have created new, hitherto unprecedented prospects for social change. Socialism has become a real alternative to development and is on the agenda in many countries of the continent .9
Bourgeois historiography cannot ignore Cuba's social achievements. Many authors note that Cubans are proud of the social gains that they "gained through their communist revolution" - the right to work, free medical care, education, etc. They are forced to admit that Cubans have become better fed and clothed, unemployment has been eliminated in the country and not only employment is guaranteed, but also stable incomes of the population. It is recognized that there is a fair system of distribution in Cuban society, and in a very short historical period, the unequal distribution of income has been eliminated. All these outstanding achievements of the Cuban Revolution are compared with the situation in the developed capitalist countries and in Latin American countries, where the ulcers of poverty and hunger are everywhere visible .10
Bourgeois researchers pay special attention to the experience of the Cuban Revolution in the education system. The English scientist B. Yubel emphasizes that Cuba, having trained highly qualified personnel, has provided itself with the opportunity to enjoy the fruits of the latest technology11 . Prominent American educator R. J. Paulston (University of Pittsburgh) views the success of education in Cuba

4 Remond R. Introduction a l'histoire de notre temps. Vol. 3. Le XX siecle de 1914 a nos jours. P. 1974, p. 218.

5 Levesque J. L'URSS et la revolution cubaine. Montreal. 1975, p. 208.

6 MacEwan A. Revolution and Economic Development in Cuba. N. Y 1981 pp. IX - XI, 31.

7 Dominguez J. I. Cuba: Order and Revolution. Lnd. 1978, p. 340.

8 Ritter A. R. M. The Transferability of Cuba's Revolutionary Development Models. In: Cuba in the World. Pittsburgh. 1979, p. 315.

9 Pla A. J. America Latina, siglo XX. Economia, sociedad, revolution. Caracas 1980, pp. 384, 441.

10 Mesa-Lago C. The Economy of Socialist Cuba: a Two-Decade Appraisal. Albuquerque. 1981, pp. 164 - 174; Nicholson J. Inside Cuba. N. Y. 1974, pp. 223, 232; Latin America and the Caribbean. Essex. 1980, p. 200; Eckstein S. Las ciudades en Cuba socialista. - Revista mexicana de sociologia, Mexico, 1978, N 1, pp. 171, 173; Ritter A. R. M. Institutional Strategy and Economic Performance in Revolutionary Cuba. In: Latin America Prospects for the 1970's. What Kind of Revolution? N. Y. 1973, p. 258.

11 Granma, 26.V.1983.

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as a true revolution, he notes that they helped to awaken the vast masses of the rural population to active activity. Paulston understands that the Cuban education system would not have been possible without a radical change in social relations, without the establishment of a "system of equal distribution of values", notes its great importance for Latin America and emphasizes the utopian nature of attempts to use the Cuban experience without a radical restructuring of socio-economic structures. He highly appreciates the struggle of the Cuban people to overcome underdevelopment, to create a "new man" .12
Bourgeois authors also note such an obvious achievement as the broad participation of the masses in the construction of a new society. They emphasize that mass organizations in Cuba played a "key role" in bringing the revolution into the everyday consciousness of Cubans .13 The revolutionary enthusiasm of the Cuban people in implementing the programs of the revolution is highly appreciated, and it is pointed out that the process of overcoming economic difficulties has united the masses around the Revolutionary Government. 14 The Cuban Revolution is seen as "the first successful Latin American revolution characterized by a high degree of grassroots participation" .15 There is unanimous support of the Cuban people for the new system, the Constitution of the Republic of Cuba, and the positive results of shaping the political system16 .

At the same time, the main goal of the right-bourgeois and ultra-left authors is to distort the nature of the social system in Cuba, the functioning of planning and management mechanisms, the laws of socialist democracy in general, and discredit the Cuban experience of building socialism. Concepts that deny both the effectiveness of the general laws of the development of world socialism in the conditions of Cuba and the significance of the new experience developed by the Communist Party of Cuba, taking into account the specific features of the country's historical development, have become widespread. Just as bourgeois historiography often interprets the Soviet experience as "exceptional" and "irrelevant" for the West, so Cuba's contribution to the treasury of world socialism is interpreted as "ineffective" and "unsuitable" for other countries .17
In its policy, the Communist Party of Cuba relies on the general laws of building socialism, discovered by Marxism-Leninism and tested in practice .18 It applies them creatively to the specific conditions of Cuba, based on Lenin's dictum that national peculiarities "may not concern only the most important things." 19 However, in bourgeois historiography, the general patterns of creating a new society include strengthening the leadership role of the CCP, improving the political system, administrative management of Cuba, economic management and planning, and elections to the People's Republic of China.

12 Paulston R. J. Problems of Educational Reform and Rural Development in Latin America: Some Lessons from Cuba. In: Rural Change and Public Policy. N. Y. 1980, pp. 156, 159, 164 - 165, a. o.

13 Ibid., p. 156.

14 Dominguez J. I. Op. cit., p. 299.

15 Paulston R. G. Op. cit., p. 159.

16 Frei E. Latin America: The Hopeful Option. N. Y. 1978, p. 163; Mesa- Lago C. Dialectica, pp. 126 - 127.

17 Maranon L. Latinoamerica en la urgencia revolutionaria. Barcelona. 1972, p. 33; Histoire du vingtieme siecle. Vol. X. P. 1971, p. 2982; Pla A. J. Op. cit., p. 391; Ritter A. R. M. The Transferability, p. 313.

18 Valdez Vivo R. The Cuban version. Problemy mira i sotsializma [Problems of Peace and Socialism], 1983, No. 2, p. 55.

19 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 39. p. 272.

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the authorities, improved political education of young people, and attention to the ideological aspects of cultural life are interpreted as "Sovietization" of Cuban society. " 20
The problem of combining economic and moral factors in the course of socialist construction in Cuba has generated a sharp controversy in anti-Marxist historiography. The consideration of the economic laws of socialism by the Cuban Communists and the increased attention paid in the early 1970s to improving the efficiency of social production and increasing labor productivity are interpreted in bourgeois historiography as evidence that the "unique character of the Cuban Revolution" has faded .21 The thesis of industrialization as one of the laws governing the construction of socialism is also attacked. Industrialization is interpreted as "imposed by the Soviet Union" 22, and the refusal of the Cuban leadership to pursue "accelerated industrialization", which does not meet the optimal solutions to economic problems in Cuba, and the development of export industries primarily in order to create savings for subsequent industrialization is interpreted as a "revision of revolutionary goals", a departure from socialism 23 .

Ultra-left historiography also gives its assessment of the socialist construction in Cuba. Recognizing, on the one hand, the obvious success of Cuba in creating a new, just society, and the revolutionary enthusiasm of Cubans24, the ultra-leftists at the same time, following the bourgeois authors, declare the "bureaucratization" of the system of planning and managing the economy, the "Sovietization" of Cuban society, and condemn the widespread use by Cuban leaders of the international experience of building socialism based on the ideology of Marxism- Leninism 25 . They ignore Cuba's great economic success, claiming, contrary to the obvious facts, that the Cuban Revolution was allegedly "unable" to take the country out of the category of underdeveloped states and create a new model of civilization. The works of ultra-left authors deny the socialist nature of the transformations and the truly popular nature of State power in Cuba. The ultra-left believes that the construction of socialism should be based on refusing to take into account the material interests of the working people and should not take into account the experience of other socialist countries .26 Thus, the general laws of the construction of socialism embodied in the Cuban experience are declared by bourgeois and ultra-left historiography as "imposed by the Soviet Union", and the presence of specific features in Cuba-as evidence of the alleged "failure of the Soviet model".

The experience of building socialism in Cuba embodies the following revelations:-

20 Cudin E. Para um Brasil melhor. Rio de Janeiro. S. a., p. 159; Philipson L., Llerena R. Freedom Flights. N. Y. 1980, p. XXVII; Mesa-Lago C. Dialectica, pp. 170 - 174; ejusd. The Economy of Socialist Cuba, p. 29; Cuba. Political Consolidation and Economic Adjustment. - Bank of London and South America Review, Lnd., 1979, N 2, pp. 76 - 77; Maranon L. Op. cit., pp. 182 - 188; Cuba in the World, pp. 4, 169, 248; Impact of Cuban-Soviet Ties in the Western Hemisphere. Washington, 1980, p. 29; Joxe A. Socialisme et crise nucleaire. P. 1973, pp. 198, 202.

21 Mesa-Lago C. Dialectica, pp. 10, 218; Maranon L. Op. cit., p. 190; Ritter A. R. M. The Transferability, pp. 320 - 321; Cuba in the World, p. 169.

22 Castro's Cuba in the 1970's. N. Y. 1978, pp. 36 - 37.

23 Latin America and the Caribbean, p. 205.

24 Horowitz I. El comunismo cubano 1959 - 1979. Madrid. 1979, p. 146.

25 Vergara F. Cuba: vingt ans de transformations economiques. - Les temps modernes, P., 1980, N 413, p. 1023; Gamier J. -P. Une ville, une revolution: La Havane. De l'urbain au politique. P. 1973, p. 174.

26 Horowitz I. Op. cit., p. 133; Hodges D. C. The Legacy of Che Guevara. Lnd. 1977, pp. 11 - 74; Bernardo R. M. The Theory of Moral Incentives in Cuba. University of Alabama Press. 1971; Kahl J. A. The Moral Economy of a Revolutionary Society. In: Cuban Communism. New Brunswick. 1972.

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Lenin's general principles of building a new society: the creation of a socialist economy, industrialization and socialist transformation of agriculture, the cultural revolution, socialist principles of planning and management of the national economy, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the alliance of the working class with the peasantry, and the leading role of the Communist Party. At the same time, Lenin repeatedly pointed out the need to see the peculiarity of the manifestation of general laws in a national - specific situation, "to seize... national-specific in each country's specific approaches to solving a single international problem"27 . According to R. Leroy, a member of the Politburo of the French Communist Party, the Cuban Communists were able to apply the principles of the socialist revolution to the national conditions of their country, which is a truly Leninist policy .28 They carefully study the experience of fraternal socialist countries. F. Castro emphasized: "Marxism-Leninism is a science that has been extremely enriched by the practice of socialist construction in various countries. We, the Cuban revolutionaries, can also enrich this legacy, but we cannot ignore the contributions of others. " 29
Progressive historiography notes the great achievements of the Cuban people in the development of the socialist economy. In Cuba, revolutionary changes were carried out - in property relations, in the social system, in the formulation of education, in the psychology of the broad masses of the people. The implementation of the first five-year plan for the development of the national economy (1976-1980), the improvement of the management system, the adoption of the Constitution (1976), and achievements in many areas of the economy all clearly demonstrate the strengthening of socialist Cuba .30 The experience of building socialism in Cuba has once again proved, Aguilar notes, that socialism is not a utopia these days, but a reality .31 The Cuban example opened the way for eliminating private ownership of tools and means of production, creating a planned economy and successful independent development, and overcoming underdevelopment. 32 R. Perdomo writes: "For the peoples of Latin America, the Cuban Revolution was what the Soviet Revolution was for all the peoples of the world, including Cuba." 33 Aguilar emphasizes that the very existence of the victorious Cuban Revolution "makes socialism the main element of our historical reality"; "with the victory of the Cuban Revolution, a new historical stage of the socialist revolution in Latin America begins." 34 B. Carrion (Mexico) notes that " today's Cuba is our truth and our example.

27 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 41, p. 77.

28 Leroy R. Preface. In: Carrel A., Fournial G. Cuba socialiste de A a Z. P. 1975, pp. II - III.

29 The First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, Moscow, 1976, p. 106.

30 Perdomo R. Cuba: la batalla del desarrollo. -Estrategia, Mexico, 1978, N 21, pp. 88 - 89, 91; Martinez J., Perdomo R. Cuba. El poder popular. - Ibid., 1977, N 13, pp. 95 - 96.

31 Aguilar A. Signification del asalto al Moncada. - Estrategia, 1977, N 17, p. 90; ejusd. Cuba... Este pueblo merece la victoria. - Ibid., 1980, N 35, p. 71.

32 Pierre-Charles G. La base historica de la revolution cubana. - Estrategia, 1976, N 7, pp. 78 - 79; Moncayo P. Situation actual de America Latina у elementos de identification de su porvenir. Quito. 1980, p. 57; Carrion J. Cuba hoy. - Ibid., 1980, N 35, pp. 75, 77 - 78; Bray D. W., Harding T. Cuba. In: Latin America: The Struggle with Dependency and Beyond. N. Y. - Lnd. 1974, p. 730; Chilcote R. H., Edelstein J. C. Introduction. - Ibid., p. X; Perdomo R. 26 Aniversario del Moncada. - Ibid., 1979, N 28, p. 85.

33 Perdomo R. 26 Aniversario del Moncada, p. 84.

34 Capitalismo, atraso y dependencia en America Latina. T. II. Mexico. 1975, p. 48; Aguilar A. Exigencies de un programa revolucionario. - Estrategia, 1977, N 16, p. 33.

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It shows us what we must do to free ourselves. " 35 The social transformations of the Cuban Revolution, without which it is impossible to create a new society, are a model for the rest of Latin American countries. The victory of the Cuban Revolution, write progressive Mexican scholars, refuted the theory of "geographical fatalism" that hindered the struggle of Latin American peoples for freedom and independence; despite the small size of the country, underdevelopment, and poverty of natural resources, Cuba managed to end unemployment, inflation, corruption, illiteracy, and the concentration of wealth in the hands of the oligarchy within a few years. other ulcers of the old system; Cuba provides selfless assistance to other peoples, which is proof of the internationalist spirit of the Cuban people; Cuba remains firm in the face of threats from US imperialism. Cuba's struggle against imperialism, oppression and poverty, and for genuine independence, is of great importance for the entire Latin American continent .36
Leading an ideological struggle against real socialism, trying to prove the "advantages" of the capitalist system, the "Western way of life" and the bourgeois world order, bourgeois historiography insists on the "incompatibility" of socialism with democracy. It is characterized by attempts to discredit the democracy of the social system in Cuba, belittle the importance of mass organizations, the growth of social activity of workers, distort the real rights and freedoms of the Cuban people, and belittle the ideals of socialism. At the same time, such fundamental facts as the popular character of power in socialist Cuba, the use of productive forces in the interests of workers, and not for the enrichment of exploiters, and the broad participation of workers in the government of the country are ignored.

It was the victory of the revolution that freed the Cuban people from exploitation, eliminated poverty, unemployment, racial discrimination, women's inequality, and gave the people the inalienable right to work. The revolution led to radical political, social, economic and cultural transformations. The Cuban economy is growing at one of the fastest rates in Latin America. As indicated by F. Castro, other Cuban communists, thanks to socialism, mass illiteracy was eliminated in the country, Cuba came out on top in Latin America in the field of education, in terms of the level of development of culture, sports, and achieved great success in the field of health. Health care in Cuba is at a higher level not only in comparison with other Latin American countries, but also with some developed capitalist countries. Cuba has a higher standard of living than any other developing country. An important achievement of the Cuban Revolution is to increase the social activity of the masses, their participation in the activities of all parts of the political system, in the administration of the state, in the discussion of plans, in socialist competition, and in voluntary labor. All this has an impact on the formation of the modern Cuban socialist economy. A huge role in the development of the initiative and self-activity of the masses, the formation of their new consciousness, the multiplication of revolutionary enthusiasm is played by mass public organizations-the committees for the Defense of the Revolution, the Trade Union Center of the Workers of Cuba, the Union of Young Communists of Cuba, the Federation of Cuban Women, the National Association of Small Farmers, etc.-

35 Carrion B. Cuba en dos tiempos (1960 - 1977). -Cuadernos americanos, Mexico, 1978, N 1, p. 37.

36 Por que estamos con Cuba. - Estrategia, 1980, N 34, pp. 91 - 92.

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gie 37 . The Cuban people believe that democracy also means the absence of freedom for those who try to undermine the socialist system, which is an essential condition for the exercise of genuine democracy. In Cuba, the pattern of socialist democracy has been embodied, which is expressed in the presence of a strong and fully trusted State authority, which is established and implemented by the working people and protects their fundamental interests.

Despite all this, the right-wing, reactionary wing of bourgeois historiography portrays socialist Cuba as an "anti-democratic", "totalitarian" state. 38 Bourgeois authors try to present the political system of socialist Cuba as "elitist", "technocratic"; Cuba is depicted as "a country behind a bamboo curtain" 39, where there is no "organized political opposition", and the majority of the population is "excluded" from the political process, excluded from decision-making 40 .

The people's power system in Cuba, which ensures the participation of workers in government, is particularly under attack. Bourgeois authors question the effectiveness of the principles of political and administrative management, economic organization, developed taking into account the experience of other socialist countries, and the deepening of socialist economic integration, which has a beneficial effect on the life of Cuban society. They speak disparagingly of mass organizations that express the interests and sentiments of the people and play a huge role in the social and political life of the country, and ignore the facts of widespread participation of Cubans in decision-making at various levels.

Representatives of the ultra-left trend in historiography repeat bourgeois fictions about the "incompatibility" of the practice of socialist construction in Cuba with "individual freedom of the individual", distort the character of popular power. They are characterized by protests against the party's leadership role and statements about the lack of broad participation of the working masses in political life, in the management of the State and economy in Cuba. All these concepts are aimed at weakening the unity of the party and the people, and undermining the leadership role of the CCP in the mass organization system.

Communists and other progressive authors are waging a sharp struggle against any perversions of the nature of socialist democracy in Cuba. M. Harnecker, a Chilean communist, emphasizes that Cuba is a truly democratic State that "does not undertake any political activity."-

37 Castro F. Cuba cannot export the revolution, but neither can the United States stop it. Santiago de Cuba, 1984, pp. 22-31; Rodriguez K. R. Firmness, endurance, constructive position. Problemy mira i sotsializma [Problems of Peace and Socialism], 1984, No. 1, p. 4. Diaz Ruiz A. Sotsial'naya aktivnost ' kubinskogo naroda [Social activity of the Cuban people]. - Ibid., 1985, N 1, pp. 56-60; Castro F. Una victoria militar pirrica y una profunda derrota moral. La Habana. 1983; Granma, 18.IV.1981; 3.I., 10.XII.1984; 4.I.1985.

38 Beaulac W. L. The Fractured Continent. Latin America in Close-Up. Stanford. 1980, p. 204; Mesa-Lago C. Dialectica, pp. 162 - 170; Castro's Cuba in the 1970's, pp. 211 - 219; Russia in the Caribbean. Washington. 1973, pp. 43 - 47; Lockwood L. Castro's Cuba, Cuba's Fidel. N. Y. 1967, pp. 210 - 211; Grossu S. Derriere le rideau de bambou. Courbewoie. 1975, p. 75; Ulam A. B. The Rivals: America and Russia since World War II. Harmondsworth. 1977, pp. 314 - 315.

39 Maranon L. Op. cit., p. 183; Ritter A. R. M. The Transferability, p. 327; Impact of Cuban-Soviet Ties, p. 103; Grossu S. Op. cit., pp. 7 - 9; Cuba in the World, pp. 7, 13 - 16, 34; Dominguez J. I. Op. cit, p. 234; Philipson L., Llerena R. Op. cit., p. XXI; Montaner C. A. Informe secreto sobre la Revolucion cubana. Madrid. 1976, pp. 313 - 316.

40 Mesa-Lago C. Dialectica, pp. 126 - 127; Philipson L., Llerena R. Op. cit., p. XX; Dominquez J. I. Op. cit., pp. 281, 381, 421 - 422: Impact of Cuban-Soviet Ties, pp. 8 - 9; Niess F. Notizen zum kubanischen Sozialismus. - Frankfurter Hefte, Frankfurt a/M., 1977, N 8, p. 49.

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no important step has been taken without consulting the masses through the use of various mechanisms." The Cuban leadership was able to overcome all obstacles "thanks to its complete integration with the people and the absolute trust that the people have in their leaders"41 . In Cuba, progressive authors note, the fundamental difference between bourgeois and socialist democracy is clearly visible. 42 The Cuban people "discuss the laws, defend justice, approve economic plans," defend the gains of the revolution .43 The outstanding results of the Cuban Revolution are the close connection between the leadership and the masses that is unattainable in the bourgeois state, the participation of the masses in the discussion of laws, in the functioning of the organs of popular power, and a high level of consciousness in solving the tasks of building socialism .44 Aguilar observes: "Who dares to say now that a revolutionary government does not have strong popular support?"; "There are few governments that can have such consciousness, such enthusiasm, such confidence in their people and such determination to fight." 45
Progressive authors also highly appreciate the system of people's authorities in Cuba: "People's power is the reality of Cuba", it is "evidence of the further progress of socialism" and is designed to provide the Cuban people with the path to "broad horizons of a communist society". The organs of people's power emerged on the basis of the broad participation of the people in the life of the country, in making major decisions-this is evidenced by the work of the committees for the Protection of the Revolution and the National Assembly of People's Power. The active participation of the people in political life and in solving economic problems became possible thanks to profound changes in the socio-economic structure, an uncompromising struggle against any manifestations of bureaucracy, and the fruitful use of the experience of socialist countries, in particular, in improving the mechanism of socialist democracy. Opponents of socialism - both bourgeois authors and many representatives of petty-bourgeois radicalism-see the institutionalization of popular power and the political consolidation of the people as "bureaucratization." But in reality, the Cuban political system reflects the maturity and democratic will of the working people, Martinez and Perdomo emphasize. While bourgeois constitutionality guarantees only the freedom of private property and protects the rights of the bourgeoisie, socialism, for the first time in Cuba's history, provides workers with a real, rather than formal, right to work, education, social security in old age, and medical care .46
The acute ideological struggle over the vast problems of the socialist transformation of Cuban society is also inextricably linked to the discussions that are being held in foreign historiography on the issues of Cuba's foreign policy and its role in international affairs. Bourgeois historiography attaches particular importance to the distortion of Soviet-Cuban cooperation, which marks a new type

41 Harnecker M. Cuba: los protagonistas de un nuevo poder. La Habana 1979 pp. 5, 449 - 450, 452.

42 Bengelsdorf C. Cuba, el poder popular: una gran escuela del gobierno. - Cuadernos politicos, Mexico, 1977, N 11, pp. 19 - 33.

43 Harnecker M. Op. cit., pp. 5 - 6.

44 Perdomo R. Cuba: la batalla del desarrollo, p. 92; Carrion B. Op cit pp. 25 - 37.

45 Aguilar A. Cuba... Esto pueblo merece la victoria, pp. 65 - 66.

46 Martinez G., Perdomo R. Cp. cit., pp. 54 - 96; Perdomo R. Cuba: la batalla del desarrollo, p. 91.

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international relations of equal sovereign states, united by a common core of interests and goals, the ideology of Marxism-Leninism, the bonds of socialist internationalism, mutual assistance and solidarity. That is why there is a sharp ideological struggle going on around all aspects of Soviet-Cuban relations.

Along with the openly hostile attacks against Soviet-Cuban cooperation that prevail in bourgeois and leftist historiography, many bourgeois researchers, usually of a bourgeois-reformist type, in some cases note the enormous economic assistance provided by the Soviet Union to Cuba during the most difficult years of the revolution, emphasize that without this assistance Cuba would not have been able to survive and survive. defend your conquests. They recognize that Soviet aid to Cuba does not mean that the Cuban Revolution was "made in Moscow" or that Cuba is a" satellite " of the USSR .47 Professor of Political Science at Stanford University R. Fagen notes the independent nature of Cuba's politics. He writes that the outstanding achievements that its people are proud of were "achieved through the sweat, creativity and sacrifice of millions of Cubans." Some bourgeois authors recognize the consistency of the revolutionary foreign policy pursued by the Cuban leaders .48
A number of bourgeois authors note the peaceful nature of the foreign policy of socialist Cuba. The American historian W. L. Buelak admits: "Cuba has proved that the Marxists in power have significantly increased their desire for peace." 49 The French bourgeois weekly Le Monde diplomatique noted Cuba's assistance to Angola and other African, Latin American and Asian countries in building a new society .50 K. Blasier, a researcher at the University of Pittsburgh, emphasizes the importance of Cuba's cooperation with COMECON countries .51 Some bourgeois authors condemn the aggressive policy of the United States towards Cuba, the actions of the CIA aimed at strangling the revolution. The American bourgeois-liberal historian L. D. Langley notes that Cuba managed to deal a serious blow to American hegemony in the zone of traditional US influence. Cuba has become "the Achilles' heel of the Wall Street monster, " writes A. H. Pla 52 .

However, the defining concept of bourgeois historiography remains the statement about Cuba's alleged "dependence" on the Soviet Union. This concept is one of the manifestations of the policy of imperialism, which seeks to divide the socialist countries. Bourgeois historiography interprets Soviet - Cuban cooperation as "Cuba's dependence on the USSR"in an attempt to mitigate the enormous moral and political impact of Soviet aid to Cuba and the ever - growing economic, political, ideological, cultural, scientific and technical cooperation between the USSR and socialist Cuba. Bourgeois authors, taking into account that the problem of dependence is one of the most pressing on the Latin American continent, try to prove that the victory of the revolution does not guarantee national independence, and socialism not only does not free peoples from dependence on the state.-

47 Cuba in the World, p. 229; Levesque J. Op. cit., pp. 192 - 193.

48 Fagen R. R. Cuba and the Soviet Union. -The Wilson Quarterly, 1978, N 1, pp. 69 - 78; ejusd. The Transformation of Political Culture in Cuba. Stanford. 1969, pp. 164 - 165.

49 Beaulac W. L. Op. cit., p. 194.

50 Celeste M. -C. Solidarity revolutionnaire et aide au tiers-monde. -Le Monde diplomatique, 1977, N 275. p. 8.

51 Cuba in the World, p. 225.

52 Beaulac W. L. Op. cit., pp. 198 - 199; Langley L. D. The United States and the Caribbean. 1900 - 1970. Athens, 1980, p. 211; Pla A. J. Op. cit., p. 384.

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but, on the contrary, it supposedly increases it even more 53 . Soviet aid to Cuba is interpreted as "Moscow's strongest weapon" 54 .

Bourgeois historiography combines statements about Cuba's economic, political, and ideological "dependence" on the USSR with attempts to downplay the significance of Soviet aid to Cuba. There are widespread attempts to portray the loyalty of socialist Cuba to the ideals of Marxism-Leninism as the result of" ideological dependence " on Moscow. Even the transition of the Cuban revolutionary democrats to scientific socialism, which followed from the very logic of the development of the Cuban Revolution, bourgeois authors try to present as the result of" vigilant control " on the part of the USSR. 55
In unison with bourgeois authors, ultra-left historiography also speaks on these issues, which puts forward the concept of "increasing dependence" on Cuba and "losing its sovereignty", seeks to present the USSR as "replacing the United States" and using economic assistance to establish its control over Cuba and its foreign policy .56
Progressive historiography fights against all these slanderous concepts. French Communists A. Karel and J. Fournial emphasize that the USSR's assistance meets the objectives of comprehensive development of the Cuban economy 57 . American researchers D. Bray and T. Harding criticize the concept that blasphemously compares Soviet-Cuban relations with the imperialist control that the United States exercised in Cuba before the revolution. The USSR does not have its own enterprises in Cuba, does not extract profits, does not control decision-making, does not interfere with the implementation of socio-economic transformations and the development of culture .58 Perdomo, revealing the inconsistency of the analogies between the highly valued Soviet aid to Cuba and the enslaving policy of imperialism in relation to underdeveloped countries, notes: "The main thing that anti-Sovietism and anti-communism do not understand" and what the consolidation of the Cuban Revolution shows is "the irreversibility of the historical process of humanity's progress towards socialism" and the fact that cooperation between the socialist between the two countries promotes " mutual benefit in order to accelerate the material and spiritual development of peoples." He stresses that the Cuban Revolution has become invincible "not only because of the many achievements of its people, but also as a result of the solidarity of the socialist community, in particular the Soviet Union." 59 Aguilar also writes about Soviet aid, which made a significant contribution to breaking the economic blockade of Cuba. Ecuadorian sociologist R. Moncayo emphasizes that without Soviet help, the Cuban Revolution would not have been able to survive and defend itself from direct US military aggression .60
53 Fidel Castro's Personal Revolution, 1959 - 1973. N. Y. 1975, pp. 310 - 311; Dominguez J. I. Op. cit., pp. 149, 340; Bender L. D. The Politics of Hostility. Castro's Revolution and United States Policy. Puerto Rico. 1975, pp. 51 - 52; Furtak R. K. Die kubanisch-sowjetische Partnerschaft. Entwicklung, Aktueller Stand, Probleme. Koln. 1980, pp. 2, 48; Beyond Cuba: Latin America Takes Charge of its Future. N. Y. 1974, p. 31.

54 Mesa-Lago C. Dialectica, p. 236; Impact of Cuban-Soviet Ties, pp. 90, 98; Dominguez J. I. Op. cit., p. 381; Maranon L. Op. cit., p. 187; Cuba in the World, p. 246.

55 Fontaine A. La guerre civile froide. P. 1969, p. 88.

56 Horowitz I. L. Op. cit., pp. 149, 179, 186; Vergara F. Op. cit., pp. 1023, 1032.

57 Carrel A., Fournial G. Op. cit., pp. 256 - 257.

58 Bray D. W., Harding T. Op. cit., pp. 717 - 718.

59 Perdomo R. Cuba: la batalla del desarrollo, pp. 90 - 91; ejusd. 26 Aniversario del Moncada, p. 84.

60 Capitalismo, atraso y dependencia en America Latina, pp. 49 - 50; Moncayo P. Op. cit., p. 46.

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In Soviet-Cuban relations, the spirit of equal cooperation, mutual assistance and mutual benefit characteristic of relations between the countries of socialism was clearly confirmed. The Soviet-Cuban friendship is based on the principles of socialist internationalism and collective cooperation for common goals. Soviet-Cuban relations embodied the most important principles of the foreign policy of the USSR, which, as a powerful socialist state, "builds its relations with other countries on the high - in the words of V. I. Lenin-human principle of equality, and not on the principle of privileges humiliating the great people" 61 . Soviet-Cuban relations confirm the correctness of Lenin's principles of proletarian internationalism. Speaking at the session of the National Assembly of People's Power (December 1984), F. Castro emphasized: "If we are now in a much more favorable position compared to other Latin American countries, we are fully indebted to the socialist countries, and first of all to the Soviet Union. There has always been a deep understanding between our two countries. Cooperation with the Soviet Union is the main pillar of our present and future. The solidarity and cooperation of the Soviet Union made possible Cuba's success in the economic and social fields. " 62
Bourgeois historiography also treats Cuba's participation in COMECON activities and its foreign economic relations with other countries of the socialist community, which contribute to the creation of the material and technical base of socialism, as" increasing dependence " .63 The country's participation in the international socialist division of labor is interpreted as "forced", "imposed by Moscow", which allegedly seeks to leave Cuba at the level of an "agrarian country"64 . The goals and meaning of socialist economic integration and cooperation are ignored, attempts are made to discredit the specialization of countries in the production of various products that is natural for the international socialist division of labor (for Cuba, this is traditional sugar production) and mutually beneficial economic agreements between socialist countries, as well as the USSR's assistance to Cuba in solving the vital problem of sugar exports sugar quota.

The distortion of the essence of foreign economic relations of socialist countries is also characteristic of the works of ultra-left authors. They are trying to prove that the bilateral and multilateral economic cooperation commissions, of which Cuba is a full member, "violate the sovereignty" of the Cuban state. Ultra-left historiography reproduces the slanderous attacks of bourgeois propaganda on socialist economic integration, repeats statements about the" growing dependence " of Cuba as a consequence of its entry into the COMECON .65
In fact, Cuba's accession to the COMECON (1972) is based on respect for its sovereignty and equality, and is of great importance to it, meets its fundamental national and State interests, and contributes to its socio-economic development. By becoming a COMECON member, Cuba was able to diversify its economy,

61 On the 60th anniversary of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU of February 19, 1982. Moscow, 1982, p. 25.

62 Granma, 4.I.1985.

63 Mesa-Lago C. Dialectics, pp. 33 - 60; Bender L. D. Op. cit., p. 139, Maranon L. Op. cit., p. 192; Latin America and the Caribbean, pp. 202, 204; Pla A. J. Op cit., p. 391.

64 Cau J. Une passion pour Che Guevara. P. 1979, p. 164.

65 Vergara F. Op. cit., pp. 1027, 1030; Latin America and the Caribbean, p. 204.

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for the first time in its history, turn traditional sugar production into a powerful lever for further economic development of the country. "No one can be blamed for the fact that today among the COMECON members there is a state where Spanish is spoken, a state that shows by its achievements, ideas, and relations with socialist countries an example to other states that are familiar only with the hateful relations of domination of some over others, oppression and humiliation imposed on them by American imperialism," he says. Full name Castro 66 .

Problems of Cuban - American relations are widely discussed in bourgeois historiography. Bourgeois authors try to prove that the only way to guarantee overcoming economic backwardness is a one-sided orientation towards "trade and financial relations with non-communist countries", towards "rapprochement with the United States". They are trying to present this alternative as a guarantee of Cuba's "independence". At the same time, the Cuban government's desire to strengthen trade relations with capitalist and developing countries on a mutually beneficial basis is interpreted as an attempt by Cuba to "reorient itself to the West", and the course of normalization of Cuban-American relations is interpreted as dangerous for the United States. In this regard, it is necessary to mention the widespread concept of bourgeois authors who advocate the settlement of relations between the United States and Cuba on an anti-Soviet basis, the "reintegration" of Cuba into the western hemisphere, its refusal to cooperate with the USSR and other socialist countries and the elimination of revolutionary gains under the flag of "return to pluralism"67 .

In order to prove the necessity of reorienting Cuba towards the United States, the author reviews the history of Cuban-American relations and distorts their nature. There is a noticeable desire to whitewash the policy of American imperialism towards Cuba and hold revolutionary Cuba responsible for breaking off relations with the United States, and to portray the Cuban policy of the United States in the first years after the revolution as aimed at "reconciliation" and negotiations. Sorbonne professor J.-B. Duroselle says that the US government was "sympathetic to the new regime." L. D. Bender, a professor at the University of Puerto Rico, seeks to prove that it is the United States that has the initiative to improve relations between the two countries, but by this he means restoring" traditional cooperation", i.e. Cuba's semi-colonial dependence on the United States68 . Cuba is blamed for the current state of relations with the United States, and the American policy of depriving Cuba of its traditional markets and its economic blockade is justified. The United States is portrayed as a "peacemaker", and Cuba is held responsible for thwarting any American "initiative", while it is blamed for its alliance with the USSR and support for revolutionary and liberation movements in Africa and Latin America .69 As for the interpretation of the aggressive policy of the United States towards Cuba, it is interpreted by bourgeois authors in an apologetic spirit. Ideologists of imperialism claim that the whole world is a "zone of strategic interests of the United States", justify

66 F. Castro In the name of mutual prosperity. - Kommunist, 1977, N 4, p. 80.

67 Russia in the Caribbean. Washington, 1973, pt. I, p. 22; pt. II, p. 42; Cuba in the World, pp. 40, 219; Mesa-Lago C. Dialectica, pp. 221, 240; Impact of Cuban- Soviet Ties, p. 92; Weiss Fagen P. Toward Detente with Cuba: Issues and Obstacles. - International Policy Report, 1977, N 3, pp. 16 - 18.

68 Langley L. D. Op. cit., pp. 216 - 217; Duroselle G. B. Le monde dechire. P. 1970, p. 331; Bender L. D. Op. cit., pp. 30 - 31.

69 Bender L. D. Op. cit., pp. 30 - 31; Langley L. D. Op. cit., pp. 216 - 217; Cuba in the World, p. 199.

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the" right " of the United States everywhere to create its own spheres of influence and fight against liberation movements.

In bourgeois-liberal historiography, there is sometimes criticism of the US policy towards Cuba. Thus, it is recognized that the United States has been hostile to Cuba since the victory of the revolution, sought to isolate it, limit the influence and popularity of the ideas of the Cuban Revolution in the western hemisphere. The CIA is being criticized for its anti-Cuban terrorist actions, which contributed to the decline in the prestige of the United States. However, in general, bourgeois authors embellish the imperialist policy, hoping for a change in Cuba's policy in the spirit of a pro-American orientation. Their main thesis is that not the United States, but only Cuba is interested in normalizing relations.

The role of Cuba in the international arena is grossly falsified in bourgeois historiography. By crossing out and distorting its active participation in international affairs, bourgeois authors put forward the concept that sovereign Cuba is seen as a "passive object" in the struggle of "two superpowers", and Soviet-Cuban cooperation is seen as a "tactical ploy of Moscow" to "expand Soviet influence" in Latin America, limit the zone of strategic interests of the United States and other countries. implementation of the "communist strategy for exporting liberation movements" 70 .

In the works of Marxist scholars and other progressive historians, such concepts are rebuffed. Professor of the National Autonomous University of Mexico, Zh. Pierre-Charles refutes the thesis of bourgeois authors that the fate of Cuba is decided by "superpowers", exposes US imperialism and reveals the goals of the policy of the USSR and Cuba - "to guarantee the very existence and security of the only socialist state in the western hemisphere", to protect Cuba from the threat of American intervention. While the United States, the researcher writes, provoked a military clash during the so-called Cuban missile crisis of 1962 and brought the world to the brink of nuclear war, the USSR did everything possible to "avoid an escalation of the confrontation" and eliminate the conflict situation through negotiations .71
In recent years, the thesis about the "aggressive" course of Cuba in connection with its policy in Africa has become widespread in the West. Thus, Cuba's policy towards Angola is described in an anti-Soviet way, as a manifestation of Cuba's "dependence" on the strategy of the USSR, which is allegedly interested in" penetrating " the African continent. The aggressors who "escalate tensions" are not Western countries that help divisive groups in Angola, but the USSR and Cuba, which raised their voices in defense of the inalienable right of the peoples of Angola to independent development. 72

A characteristic feature of social democratic historiography is the interpretation of Cuba's foreign policy in the work of one of the leaders of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden, P. Skori. He points out that the military presence of Cuba in Angola will end when the reasons that caused it disappear, namely, the support of Western countries.

70 Russia in the Caribbean, pt. II, pp. 25, 85; pt. I, p. 13; Bender L. D. Op. cit., pp. 58, 60 - 61, 72; Cuba in the World, pp. 37 - 39, 248, 252; Impact of Cuban- Soviet Ties, pp. 3, 8, 90; Furtak R. K. Op. cit., S. 1 - 2, 10, 38 - 39, 48; Joxe A. Op. cit., pp. 127, 131. 133, 542 - 543; Castro's Cuba in the 1970's, p. 34.

71 Pierre-Charles C. El Caribe a la hora de Cuba. Mexico. 1981, pp. 146 - 151. a. o.

72 Furtak R. K. Op. cit., S. 2, 40, 46; Castro's Cuba in the 1970's, p. I; Cuba in the World, p. 3; Implications of Soviet and Cuban Activities in Africa for U. S. Policy. Washington. 1979, p. 29; World Communism at the Crossroads. Boston. 1980, pp. 89 - 91; Impact of Cuba-Soviet Ties, pp. 91 - 94, 100 - 102; Phi lip son L., Llerena R. Op. cit., p. XXVIII.

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countries of colonialism and racism, conspiracies against progressive governments. At the same time, his declared support for Cuba and the struggle against neo-colonialism is combined with anti-Sovietism and attempts to sow distrust between Cuba and the USSR .73
As is well known, Cuba's policy towards Angola is based on the principles of proletarian internationalism, solidarity and assistance to the peoples fighting against imperialist aggression. Cuba's assistance, provided at the request of the Angolan Government, is aimed at protecting this African country from South African aggression and restoring its economy. Cuba and Ethiopia provided selfless internationalist assistance in defending sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The inventions of bourgeois historiography are opposed by the works of progressive authors. Aguilar points out that Cuba has demonstrated a truly revolutionary solidarity by deciding to support the struggle of the Angolan people. Progressive Latin American scholars denounce the alleged" threat to peace "posed by Cuba and point out that" bourgeois social science "is unable to understand either the significance of helping the Angolan people as a manifestation of proletarian internationalism, or the"irreversibility of the movement of humanity towards socialism" 74 .

Cuba's role in the non-Aligned movement has been sharply attacked. At the same time, the false thesis is put forward that Cuba seeks to assert its dominance among developing countries and seeks to "impose" its own development model on them .75 In this way, bourgeois authors are trying to undermine the high authority and prestige of Cuba in this movement and discredit the Cuban experience of building a socialist society in the eyes of the peoples of the non-aligned countries. They distort the goals of Cuba's foreign policy, which advocates the ideals of peace, international cooperation, and the liberation struggle of peoples against imperialism and neo-colonialism.

A clear refutation of bourgeois concepts is the successful construction of socialism on Cuban soil. Contrary to the prophecies of bourgeois authors who claim that the Cuban Revolution will pass unnoticed in history and "be forgotten"76, Cuba, which builds socialism , has been recognized as a progressive humanity. "Moving along the revolutionary path, Cuba was many years ahead of other Latin American countries. What Cuba has achieved over the years would not have been possible under capitalism." Castro 77 .

The success of the Cuban people is of great international importance. The Cuban Revolution provided an answer to the main questions facing the peoples of Latin America, Asia and Africa in the search for a real and effective way to overcome economic backwardness. The experience of building socialism in Cuba makes a valuable contribution to the elaboration of the economic, social and political problems of the development of a socialist society, and the attempts of bourgeois falsifiers to discredit it are fruitless.

73 Schori P. Cuba en Africa. - Nueva Sociedad, Caracas, 1978, N 36, pp. 101, 104.

74 Aguilar A. Signification del asalto al Moncada. - Estrategia, 1977 N 13 p 93; N 15, pp. 92 - 93.

75 Impact of Cuban-Soviet Ties, pp. 45, 92; Ritter A. R. M. The Transferability, pp. 328 - 329; Latin America and the Caribbean, p. 204.

76 Niсholson J. Op. cit., p. 232. v.

77 Granma, 28.VII.1983.

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