The development of all political processes in Latin America, and especially the workers ' and anti - imperialist movement, was greatly influenced by the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. V. I. Lenin was the first to show its impact on the world revolutionary process, on the development of the struggle against imperialism "in all parts of the world and in all forms"1 . Under the influence of the first Russian Revolution, there were significant changes in the political atmosphere of Latin America, profound changes in the development of the Latin American liberation movement, and the beginning of a qualitatively new stage in the struggle of the peoples of this region for national and social liberation.

The reasons for the broad and profound impact of the revolution of 1905-1907 on Latin America are rooted both in the very nature of this revolution and in the soil on which news of events in Russia fell. At the beginning of the 20th century, Latin America was experiencing an intensive formation of the working class. The revolution of 1905-1907 attracted the attention of the Latin American public by raising such important issues for Latin America as national, agrarian, labor, and the struggle for democracy. The Russian Revolution is also becoming a model for Latin America, which, according to V. I. Lenin, at the beginning of the 20th century was experiencing an era of national and democratic movements2, which were developing in conditions of capitalist development dependent on foreign imperialism. The first Russian Revolution contributed to the creation of new opportunities and forms of revolutionary struggle. All this contributed to the strengthening of the anti-imperialist movement in Latin America and to the deepening of its social content.

The study of the impact of the revolution of 1905 - 1907 on political processes in Cuba is particularly important, since at the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century this country was one of the first victims of US imperialist aggression. The experience of enslaving Cuba was considered by US imperialism as a kind of reference in the policy of enslaving other Latin American countries. It is no coincidence that the Cuban people's liberation struggle became anti-American earlier than in other Latin American countries. The anti-imperialist and revolutionary demonstrations of the Cuban masses have resonated throughout Latin America. Cuba was at the forefront of the liberation movement on the continent and remained at the forefront of the liberation, anti - imperialist movement in the region until the beginning of the Mexican Revolution (1910-1917). Therefore, the study of the impact of the revolution of 1905-1907 on Cuba

1 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 23, p. 146.

2 See V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 28, p. 697.

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It provides an opportunity to draw conclusions that are important for Latin America as a whole.

The influence of the first Russian Revolution on Cuba is discussed in the works of a prominent Cuban historian, participant of the events of those years, Jose Luciano Franco, and researchers of the Institute of Social Sciences of the Academy of Sciences of Cuba A. Garcia and P. Mironchuk .3 This topic is also discussed in the works of Soviet historians A.M. Zorina and L. Y. Slezkine4 .

However, new materials from the Cuban and Russian archives, the Cuban and American press make it possible to reveal more fully the huge interest of the Cuban public in the revolution of 1905-1907 and to present more fully the breadth of the movement of solidarity of Cubans with the revolutionary forces of Russia.

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Cuban people, freed from the yoke of Spain, waged a courageous struggle against the expansionist policy of the United States aimed at turning the island into its own semi - colony. As a result of the growth of the strike movement (the "apprentices ' strike", the general strike of the workers of Havana - 1902, etc.), the process of forming trade union and political workers ' organizations and the penetration of socialist ideas into them intensified. In 1899, D. Disente Tejera created the Socialist Party of Cuba. In 1903, the first Marxist group, the Club of Socialist Propaganda, appeared, and in January 1904, the Workers ' Socialist Party, which in 1905 proclaimed Marxism as its doctrine. In 1906, the Socialist Party was formed in the province of Oriente. The major leaders of the Cuban socialist movement were C. Baligno and A. Martin Velos. However, the ideology of reformism and anarcho-syndicalism still dominated the workers ' movement of the Cuban Republic .5
The Cuban democracy received the news of the beginning of the revolution in Russia with great enthusiasm. Interest in events in a country far from Cuba has increased. The press materials stored in the Cuban archives show how wrong it is to imagine Cuba at that time completely isolated from the main events taking place in the world. Russian literature was well known among the intelligentsia and the working masses. Collective readings, practiced in Cuban tobacco factories, introduced workers to the works of N. V. Gogol, L. N. Tolstoy and M. Gorky. "The works of Russia's great writers - from Pushkin in the past to Tolstoy and the heroic Maxim Gorky today - are distributed in hundreds of thousands of copies and passed from hand to hand," wrote the Cuban newspaper 6 .

Cuba also knew about the main events in the history of Russia. True, these data were drawn mainly from Western, mainly French, bourgeois literature. Nevertheless, the Cuban interpretation of them, especially the assessment of the autocracy's policy towards the masses and the liberation movement, was generally revolutionary and democratic in nature. It was imbued with admiration for the greatness of the heroic history of its peoples and sympathy for the struggle against "despotism and oppression" .7 The people of Russia "fighting for

3 J. L. Franco. Influencia de la Primera Revolution Rusa en el Pueblo de Cuba. La Habana. 1965; Jose Luciano Franco. Echo of the first Russian Revolution in Cuba. "New and recent History", 1965, N 1; A. Garcia Perez-Castaneda at P. Mironchuk. Ecos en Cuba de la Primera Revolucion Rusa. "Granma", 9.1.1975.

4 L. Y. Slezkin. Istoriya Kubinskaya respubliki [History of the Cuban Republic], Moscow, 1966; A.M. Zorina. The labor movement in Cuba. 1850-1925. Moscow, 1975.

5 See F. Grobart. El movimiento obrero cubano de 1925 a 1933. "Santiago", 1971, N 5, p. 20.

6 "La Lucha", 5.II.1905. The set of the newspaper "La Lucha" is kept in the National Archives of Cuba in Havana.

7 "La Lucha", 1.XI.1905.

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freedom and a soldier dying under bullets and bayonets, "one of the newspapers said, will achieve the overthrow of the autocracy: in Russia," the story of Louis XVI, who ... .. he paid for the crimes of his predecessors. " 8 Sympathy for the struggle of the Russian people against autocracy echoed the political demands and ideology of the Cuban revolutionary democracy, which was formed in the conditions of long-term battles for independence from the Spanish colonial yoke and against the penetration of US imperialist monopolies.

The Cuban press wrote in detail about the revolutionary events in Russia. Not limited to reports from foreign agencies, she gave her comments. Entire pages were devoted to the key issues of the revolution. At that time, the Cuban press did not pay such attention to any issue of domestic and foreign policy as the events in Russia. Of particular interest are the publications of the progressive Republican newspaper "La Lucha" ("Struggle"). This newspaper, whose frequent contributor was a prominent figure of the Cuban liberation movement, J. G. Gomez, provided very detailed and well-commented information from a revolutionary-democratic point of view about the course of the revolution in Russia, its driving forces and the main directions of the struggle. 9
From the very beginning of the revolution in Russia, the focus of Cubans ' attention has been on the work question. Even the first news of the "unrest in Russia", which appeared in the press on January 21, 1905, contained information about numerous strikes. The January 9 petition was hailed by Cuban newspapers as "the boldest document ever presented to the Emperor of Russia, containing clear and direct threats that would accelerate the revolution"; the newspapers reported on the prohibition of assembly, the concentration of tsarist troops in "areas where working people live", the mass character of the movement, the revolutionary nature of the proclamations distributed in St. Petersburg, that "the social class that governs the country does not want to allow the implementation of reforms" 10 .

The shooting of a peaceful demonstration in St. Petersburg has sparked outrage in Cuba. La Lucha wrote: "the spirit of revolt has stirred up the whole empire. The popular cry " Down with the Tsar!", which has never been heard before in St. Petersburg, is now heard everywhere." The newspapers wrote about proclamations calling on Russian democracy to unite with the workers, and about revolutionary unrest in the industrial regions of the country .11 Cubans followed the development of the Russian Revolution with growing interest. On January 29, 1905, La Lucha reported: "News from all localities in Russia shows that in all parts of the country the people are extremely excited and that the fear of a general uprising is becoming more intense every day." Other publications of the newspaper spoke of strikes in Moscow, Helsingfors and other cities, arson attacks by workers of arsenals and military factories in Sevastopol and Vologda, the destruction of the printing house of Novoye Vremya and arsenals in Samara and Novgorod, strikes in Warsaw, Tiflis and Irkutsk, a strike at the Putilov factory, and the distribution of the "socialist proclamation" in St. Petersburg."calling for a march to the tsar's palace, "but not with icons and requests, but with weapons in their hands," about the support of the proletarians of St. Petersburg by the workers of the surrounding cities, about the general October strike, the 33-thousandth rally at Moscow University, where " fiery speeches were made and demands for immediate military intervention were made."-

8 "La Lucha", 5.II.1905.

9 E. Roig de Leuchsenring. Los Estados Unidos contra Cuba Republicana. T. I. La Habana. 1960, p. 57. For the national-patriotic position of the newspaper, see M. Averhoff Puron. Les primeros paridos politicos. La Habana. 1971, p. 20.

10 "La Lucha", 21.I.1905.

11 "La Lucha", 23.I.1905, 24.I.1905.

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armory performance". From all this, La Lucha concluded that "on the whole, the movement has acquired a political and revolutionary character; it cannot be resolved peacefully"; it was suggested that an armed insurrection, which is being prepared for by the workers ' organizations, will end with the proclamation of a republic. "There are indications that in the provinces the army is beginning to go over to the proletariat." 12
The temporary successes of the autocracy did not discourage the Cuban Democrats: "When freedom-loving aspirations take hold of the hearts and masses, repression is completely useless, and the victories of the authorities are ephemeral." 13 "The government relies on considerable strength in its struggle against the people, and it is possible that the revolution will be stifled at the moment... But sooner or later the revolutionary seed will bear fruit. The autocratic regime is already intolerable for the people, who are beginning to realize their rights." We know little about the Russian revolution, wrote the newspaper En Marcha, but we are convinced that it "continues its march and will win. This is the fate of revolutions-to win. Today it concerns the Russian people,.. which writes its page in the eternal epic of the struggle for freedom, progress, and human liberation. " 14 "Forward, young Russia!" - called the newspaper 15 .

The Cuban press emphasized the decisive role of revolutionary actions in the main centers, and emphasized that the call "Down with autocracy" that rang through the streets of St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Warsaw was heard in all corners of Russia. The reforms proposed by tsarism were regarded as insufficient, and it was pointed out that "the tsar's insignificant promises were dictated not by good will, but by fear of revolution and were extracted by the energetic actions of the people." 16
The progressive forces of Cuba followed with great sympathy the struggle of the peasants of Russia, who sought "satisfaction of the demands for the land they cultivate", and the peasant uprisings .17 All the peasants of the "Baltic provinces" are in revolt, "robbing the landlords," La Lucha reported on December 15, 1905. Much attention was paid to the student movement 18 . The Cuban public followed the situation and struggles of the oppressed peoples of Russia, particularly in the Caucasus .19 Cubans noted the high revolutionary spirit of the Baku proletariat, whose speeches frightened foreign entrepreneurs-owners of oil fields. In general, the struggle of the proletariat of the oppressed nations of Russia was of particular interest. Every day Cuban newspapers published reports about the revolutionary struggle on the territory of the national outskirts of Russia, about the actions of the working class in defense of the freedom and independence of oppressed peoples .20
The Cuban sympathies were on the side of the revolutionary people of Russia. The progressive public took the defeats of tsarism with deep satisfaction. La Lucha stated that " left-wing parties are not satisfied with the Emperor's manifesto (October 17-M. O.) and have issued new petitions, including a full political amnesty, the creation of a national militia, and the abolition of military service."

12 "La Lucha", 8.II, 26.Х, 6.XI.1905.

13 "En Marcha", 4.VIII.1905.

14 "En Marcha", 11.VIII.1905.

15 "En Marcha", 22.IX.1905.

16 "La Lucha", 5.II.1905.

17 "La Lucha", 20.II, 23.XI.1905.

18 "La Lucha", 30.X.1905.

19 "La Lucha", 15.X. 1905.

20 "La Lucha", 25, 26.I; 13.II; 2, 11, 13, 16, 26.X; 14.XI.1905; "En Marcha", 11, 18.VIII.1905.

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the entire country, abolishing the death penalty, deciding to continue the strike until these demands are fully met." It was emphasized that the October Manifesto did not satisfy the aspirations of the oppressed peoples of the Russian Empire .21
The newspapers reported on the "great popular demonstrations" that took place in European capitals against the tsarist government, on the solidarity with the Russian revolution of the" extreme left " deputies of the Italian parliament, French socialists, Belgian, German, Bulgarian Republicans, progressives from Romania, Portugal, Spain, Swedish and Norwegian liberals, and "all people of good will"22 .

Cuba's perception of the revolutionary events of 1905 and 1907 also bore a clear imprint of Latin American problems. Experiencing imperialist oppression, Cubans unwittingly transferred their assessments of the alignment of class and social forces to Russia. Hence, for example, the question arose: "Why do the Russian people prefer to shed blood in unequal battles with troops on the streets of St. Petersburg and Moscow, and not to defend the failed national banner on the battlefields?"23 . The very formulation of this question reflects the Latin American reality, the primacy of the tasks of national liberation in the conditions of imperialist oppression.

The influence of the revolution of 1905 - 1907 on Cuba was not limited to sympathizing with the struggle of the revolutionary people of Russia. It triggered the first integration of democratic forces into the international proletarian solidarity movement in Cuban history. The Cuban workers ' newspaper La voz obrera ("Voice of the Worker") published on February 17, 1905, an article by the outstanding Marxist propagandist C. Baligno entitled" Strikes in Russia", which stated: "Millions of socialists in all parts of the world are now wholeheartedly striving to reach the big cities of Russia, where a powerful revolutionary movement of workers is unfolding... The class-conscious workers will not cease to watch with warm sympathy and hope the development of events threatening the crown and the head of the Russian autocrat. Let the exploiters fall and the exploited triumph. " 24
In connection with the events of" Bloody Sunday " in St. Petersburg, a meeting of workers-woodworkers, shoe makers, bakers, tanners, employees of a number of newspapers, cafes, restaurants, hotels in the capital and provinces-was held in Havana. Its participants showed " enthusiasm for the liberation goals that the victims of Russian despotism defended with their blood." Speakers - students and workers-denounced the oppression of the tsarist government. Due to the success of the meeting, it was decided to hold an "assembly" in a theater in Havana with the participation of representatives of various regions of the republic, "so that the unanimity of the class consciousness of the Cuban workers could be seen outside of Cuba during such actions."25
Progressive Cuban intellectuals protested against the arrest of Mikhail Gorky by the tsarist government .26 "Maxim Gorky is a famous Russian writer... he became one of the actors in the great drama that took place at the Narva Gate in St. Petersburg-

21 "La Lucha", 1.XI.1905.

22 "La Lucha", 21.I.1905; "En Marcha", 11.VIII.1905.

23 "La Lucha", 29.I.1905.

24 "La voz obrera", 17.II.1905.

25 "La Lucha", 7.II.1905.

26 AVPR, f. Embassy in Washington, op. 512/1, d. 191 (Telegram of the Russian Freelance Consul in Havana, f. Truffin).

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ge". The newspapers wrote that Gorky "devoted himself to the literature that is vitally necessary and only possible in Russia-social literature."27 . Speaking in defense of the great writer in Cuba was her contribution to the international campaign of solidarity with M. Gorky.

Under the influence of the Russian Revolution, the Workers ' Socialist Party significantly changed its program, adding to it in September 1905 a number of fundamental Marxist propositions. In the province of Oriente, in 1908, the Socialist Party declared its support for the ideas of Karl Marx, "who said that the emancipation of the working class is the work of the working class itself," and that "the dependence of the working people on capital is the source of political, moral, and material slavery."28 In its election manifesto, the Socialist Party called for the implementation of the decisions of the Geneva Congress of the International Workers ' Association of 1866. The socialists stood up for all working people, for those who were forced to earn their living by hard physical labor. They demanded the establishment of an 8-hour working day, restrictions on child labor, and the creation of libraries "where the worker will find spiritual nourishment." 29 While trying to unite the entire working population around them, the Socialists also opposed liberal tendencies and unification with liberal parties, "since there are significant differences between the doctrines of the liberal bourgeoisie and the principles of the Socialist Party."30
Although the socialists did not yet have a developed strategy of anti-imperialist struggle, the advantage of the documents under consideration is their democracy, protection of artisans, peasants (producers of coffee, sugar, meat), and demands for assistance in the development of national industry and trade. Unlike many other documents of the socialist parties of Latin America, the Oriente Socialists took into account the specifics of Cuba's revolutionary tasks of "equalizing with the countries of developed capitalism. The incompatibility of the remnants of "modified feudalism" and interests was noted

27 "La Lucha", 26.11.1905. See also 25, 30. I; 8, 26, 28. II. 1905.

28 The additions to the program were particularly important in the context of the time, since the Cuban labor movement was then characterized by confused views on important theoretical issues. Thus, the socialists included in the number of proletarians all workers who " plow the land, sow tobacco, grow crops, forge steel on an anvil, work wood, build a brick wall, work stone, sew shoes, extract minerals in the deep depths "(Archivo Historico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba. Fondo Gobierno provincial. Legajo 1905, numero 119/1908. Partido Socialista. Directorio Provincial). Cuban socialists shared the" realist concept " of history, which was a hodgepodge of the ideas of O. Comte, G. Spencer, L. Gumplovich, J. Berkeley, Aristotle and E. Bernstein ("El municipio y las clases obreras. Estudios de filosofia social". La Habana. 1904).

While noting the merits of Marx as the creator of the theory of surplus value, the socialist publicists of Cuba uncritically reproduced the assessments of the bourgeois falsifiers of Marxism, who claim that "everything most fundamental in Marx's economic theory ... is already contained in the Principles of Political Economy" of J. P. Morgan. Stuart Mill" (Ibid., p. 12). The task of the Socialist Party was declared to be the conquest by the working class of the right to "participate in the administration of the state", "relative well-being", to follow the path of the right-wing socialists of France, England, Germany, Spain, Belgium, "to unite their struggle with the bourgeois-radical parties", to achieve municipal autonomy, slow and gradual transformation of society (Archivo Historico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba. Fondo: Gobierno provincial. Legajo 1905, nuniero 119. Manifesto "Al Pueblo Socialista"; Ibid. Partido Socialista. Manifesto "A las clases productoras у a los obreros en general de la ciudad de Santiago de Cuba"; Ibid. Partido Socialista. El Comite de propaganda del Partido Socialista.

29 Archivo Historico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba. Fondo Cobierno provincial. Legajo 1905, numero 119. Partido Socialista. Directorio. Manifesto. "A las clases obreros, productoras, artesanos у agricultures de Oriente". Manifesto. "A las clases productoras у a los obreros en general de la ciudad de Santiago de Cuba". .

30 Ibid., Partido Socialista. El Comite de propaganda del Partido Socialista,

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"a people who, in the age of civilization, loudly proclaimed their freedoms, laws, and great democratic spirit." 31
The spread of socialist ideas among the workers of Cuba after the revolution of 1905, and new major actions of the working class (in 1907, the "money strike", the railway workers ' strike, and numerous strikes of Santiago workers) contributed to the growth of the class consciousness of the Cuban proletariat. However, the mass struggle of the proletarians against the entrepreneurs, who were largely representatives of American and British capital, was not yet combined with the awareness of the anti-imperialist tasks of the working class. These ideas not only did not take hold of the mass consciousness of the proletariat at that time, but also did not yet become the property of Cuban socialist thought.

At the same time, the experience of the socialists ' participation in the political struggle, in particular in the 1908 elections, contributed to the development of national demands that were anti-imperialist in their content. These ideas, though not quite clearly formulated, indicated a certain progress in the application of Marxism to Latin American reality. The process of real patriots ' awareness of the social essence of anti-imperialism also went in the same direction. To a large extent, it was caused by the increased attention of the democratic public around the world to the social problems caused by the first Russian revolution. In the address of one of the leaders of the national liberation army that fought against Spanish rule, P. Pinan de Villegas, to "Cuban brothers, comrades in the liberation struggle, to all patriots" stored in the Cuban National Archives, it was noted: "They say that Cuba is rich... It is true that one and a half million tons of sugar have just been produced, but we must not lose sight of the fact that this wealth belongs to a small minority, one might say a minority represented by foreigners."32
The Russian Revolution began at a time when, as a result of the intervention of the United States, broad democratic circles and patriotic elements in Cuba were experiencing a certain disillusionment with the results of their struggle for independence .33 The US intervention reinforced the pessimism left over from the colonial period about the future of Cuba, its future fate, and the outcome of the struggle for the republic. Under these circumstances, the news coming from Russia aroused revolutionary optimism and inspired confidence in the victory of the liberation movement. These socio-psychological factors influenced the mood of the masses and strengthened their determination in the struggle.

In August 1906, a broad anti-imperialist uprising began on the island, which was strongly influenced by the Russian revolutionary experience. The events were triggered by the speeches of the liberals, who sought to take power away from the conservatives, who extended their rule by falsifying the will of the voters in 1905. Since the uprising was directed against the pro-American government of E. Palma, who was the guarantor of the "sugar market" system established on the island as a result of the expansion of American monopolies.

31 Ibid. Manifesto. "A las clases productoras, obreros, artesanos y agricultures de Oriente".

32 Archivo Nacional de Cuba. Fondo Academia de Historia, caja 498, signatura 550. Back in the early 900s, the patriot and anti-imperialist Cisneros Betancourt pushed for the inclusion in the Cuban Constitution of the right of workers to form trade unions, to strike, the proclamation of the 8-hour working day, and equality of rights for women (Granma, 5. X. 1974).

33 "Reveloracion de la historia de Cuba por los congresos nacionales de historia". La Habana. 1961, pp. 210, 235.

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latifundism", it received the support of the majority of the people 34 . The liberals ' authority among the masses was largely due to their opposition to US expansionism. Starting in the province of Pinar del Rio, the uprising quickly swept the country. In the provinces of Pinar del Rio, Havana and Las Villas, the number of insurgents reached 14-18 thousand people. In addition, scattered groups operated in other provinces. "In fact, the entire island, except for the capital, the city of Havana, appeared to be on the side of the revolution, and even in the capital, the loyalty of half the population was more than doubtful," 35 a Russian publicist reported from the United States. The rebels were close to victory - they approached the capital and were preparing to take it.

It was at this point that President Palma, seeking to escape "from the insurgents who were marching on Havana," appealed to the United States to intervene .36 The liberals, afraid of the popular movement that had overwhelmed them, also asked the United States to intervene. These appeals were used by American imperialism for a new armed intervention in Cuba and the occupation of the country, which lasted until 1909. As noted by the prominent Cuban patriot E. H. Barona, these actions of the United States were aimed at protecting foreign investment .37 The United States suppressed the anti-imperialist movement of 1906 and disarmed the rebels. This was largely helped by the leaders of the Liberal Party. A Russian observer reported from the United States that the cooperation of the ruling classes of Cuba with the American interventionists "greatly facilitated the work of the troops... and, in addition, eliminated, as far as possible, clashes between the troops and the population (an important factor in preparing the latter for the possibility of final American rule in Cuba)."38 "The costs of the American army associated with the occupation of Cuba in 1906, amounting to several million dollars," the Russian diplomat R. R. Rosen from the United States reported to the Russian Foreign Minister A. P. Izvolsky, " Washington decided to assign to Cuba... Such a large sum will obviously place a heavy burden on the already weakened payment forces of the population, and the need to ensure the payment of this debt may give rise to an indefinite extension of the American occupation of the island. " 39
Terrified by the massive anti-imperialist protests, Cuba's ruling classes launched a campaign in favor of an open protectorate of the United States. At the same time, numerous statements appeared on the pages of the American press in favor of annexing Cuba or turning it into an "American Egypt". The United States used the 1906 uprising to promote the "necessity" of intervention, annexation, protectorate, and to prove the" inability " of Cubans to self-rule. On the island, the leaders of the campaign in favor of the American protectorate were publicists D. T. Lainet, H. de Armas and Cardenas, and F. Figueres 40, who advocated the " Americanization of Cuba." These speeches were met with "understanding" in the United States ("influential elements

34 Liberal leaders claimed to be supported by 80% of Cubans (The New York Herald, 14. X, 5. XII. 1905). Support for the rebels by the majority of the population was also noted by Americans (see: E. Roig de Leuchsenring. Op. cit., p. 254).

35 P. A. Tverskoy. The disintegration of parties in America. "Vestnik Evropy". 1907, book 2, p. 669.

36 Archivo Nacional de Cuba. Fondo Secretario de Estado у Justicia. Legajo 1313, numero 26; "St. Luis Globe Democrat", 31.V.1908.

37 See E. Roig de Leuchsenring. Op. cit., p. 271.

38 TSGVIA, f. 2000, op. 1, d, 1115, ll. 62-63 (General Staff Colonel Baron Bode - 1st Chief Quartermaster General of the General Staff 7/20 January 1909, Washington, N 6).

39 AVPR, f. Chancellery, 1906, d. 143, ll. 95-96 (Rosen-Izvolsky from Magnolia. September 19 / October 2, 1906).

40 E. Roig de Leuchsenring. Op. cit., pp. 292 - 294.

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Cuba does not believe in the ability of its people to self-govern and does not want American troops to leave. These elements make up a very significant portion, if not the majority, of the major owners, " the Philadelphia Gazette concluded.41 "It is reported," wrote another American newspaper, " that Americans and some Cuban businessmen are the real inspirers of the idea of continuing American control indefinitely... If the Americans and certain Cuban business circles continue their activities in this direction, it will eventually lead to the annexation of the island."42 In connection with the expected end of the American occupation on February 1, 1909, protests by Americans and Cuban businessmen against the planned withdrawal of US troops appeared on the pages of Havana newspapers .43 The New York Herald read: "Those who represent Cuba's national industry and wealth are afraid... Cuba must be saved from itself - from that part of its people which has only a small property or no property at all, and which is impatiently awaiting the end of the current provisional Government (occupation authorities).) in order to cause riots from which they hope to benefit. " 44
However, these plans were thwarted by the renewed rise of the anti-imperialist movement in Cuba. Mass demonstrations of the working people, peasant struggles, Negro uprisings, strikes (the largest of which was the "money strike" of 1907), 45 the further spread of socialist ideas, the speeches of anti-imperialist patriots (E. H. Baron, A. Evia, E. Collazo), 46 and the entire political atmosphere in Cuba at that time hindered the implementation of the expansionist plans of the United States.

The responses to the first Russian revolution and its impact on the Cuban people's liberation struggle, on the intensification of the workers ' and national liberation movement, on the growing spread of progressive ideas and calls for militant unity of the working people showed that "the proletariat of the whole world is now looking at the proletariat of all Russia with feverish impatience."47
The influence of the first Russian revolution on Cuba shows how new detachments of the world liberation movement were formed in Latin America. The impact of the revolution of 1905-1907 led to significant changes in the political atmosphere of Cuba and Latin America as a whole. It showed that "the mighty insurrection of 1905 left deep traces", and that "its influence, which is revealed in the progressive movement of hundreds and hundreds of millions of people, is ineradicable" 48 . The growth of the Cuban anti-imperialist and mass labor movement, reinforced by the impact of the first Russian Revolution, was one of the important features of the new era of world history, a period of political upheaval and revolutionary battles.

The solidarity of the Cuban people with revolutionary Russia is a bright page in the history of proletarian internationalism. She's on-

41 Archivo Nacional de Cuba. Fondo Secretario de Estado y Justicia. Legajo 1313, numero 26. "Bulletin", 17.VI. 1908.

42 Ibid., "Independent", 17.VI.1908.

43 Ibid. "St. Luis Globe Democrat", 31.V.1908.

44 "The New York Herald", 29.V.1908.

45 Strikes undermined US dominance on the island. The vast majority of the workers were employed in the enterprises of American capital or related to it. The US press was outraged that the strikers interfered with the production process, with the appointment of managers, and with the determination of policies "that should be carried out by the factory" (The New York Herald, 29. V. 1908).

46 E. Roig de Leuchsenring. Op. cit., pp. 294 - 295; "El Figaro", 2.IX.1906.

47 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 9, p. 204.

48 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 30, p. 326.

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It was further developed in the speeches of the Cuban workers in defense of Soviet Russia after the October Revolution, in fraternal solidarity with the heroic struggle of the Soviet people against the fascist invaders during the Great Patriotic War. The heroic deeds of the Soviet people,"remarkable pages of history filled with the courage, sacrifice and heroism of the Soviet Communists" 49 , inspired all the fighters for the freedom and happiness of the people of Cuba. In turn, the Soviet people's support for the Cuban revolution, as L. I. Brezhnev notes, is an expression of the feelings of "fervent love and revolutionary solidarity that communists and all citizens of the first country in the history of victorious socialism feel for those who were the first to raise the banner of socialism in the western hemisphere"50 . Noting that Cubans, like every struggling nation, could count on its support from the moment the Soviet state was founded, F. Castro spoke at the XXV Congress of the CPSU: "And wherever there are grateful hearts, where there is a sense of justice and sanity, this will not be forgotten." 51 The grateful hearts of the Soviet people will also always remember all the expressions of solidarity with revolutionary Russia, including the first international demonstrations of the Cuban people in 1905-1907.

49 "Greetings to the XXV Congress of the CPSU", Moscow, 1976, p. 37.

50 L. I. Brezhnev Lenin Course, vol. 5, Moscow, 1976, p. 425.

51 "Greetings to the XXV Congress of the CPSU", p. 40.

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